The Predator's Claw

THE PREDATOR'S CLAW
by Gregorio V. Bituin Jr.
Editorial of The Fourth Estate, July-August 1998

The year 1998 should be remembered as the Centennial of American Occupation. Looking back at our country's history, on June 12, 1898, the first dictatorial government was established. We were declared independent only from Spain, but not a real independent country, not an independent Republic of the Philippines, but only a protectorate, a colonial state, a daughter country of America. What they have declared a hundred years ago was Declaration of Dependence (instead of Independence). In the Acta de Independencia, what was written is that we were freed from Spain "under the protection of the Mighty and Humane North American Nation". Therefore, we were freed from Spain, only to be brought under the control of the United States. A mere transition of colonial power. Spain transferred their colony in the hands of their colonialist competitor, the US. The US paid the sum of $20M to buy the Philippines. In 1899, the Filipino-American War started. The Filipinos fight a great battle for freedom and sovereignty.

In 1942, Japanese forces occupied the Philippines. It made the US retreat from our country. Only to return after Filipino forces won very battle in the country. The Filipinos fight a great battle for freedom and sovereignty. The Americans snatched the victory from the Filipinos. In 1946, the United States "declared" our independence, but they still control our economy, politics, military and culture. On September 16, 1991, twelve senators made history when they voted against the retention of the United States military bases in the country. The Philippine Senate junked the 1947 Military Bases Agreement (MBA), which resulted in the dismantling of the US Bases. Filipinos yelled in victory after a long, bitter struggle against the US bases. For many Filipinos, the US colonialist rule has ended. The eagle, they said, flew away never to come back. But the predator has returned. If we will not be on-guard, the predator will still prey on his victims.

We are right. The predator is still here. And they are already in our shore waiting to prey its victims. US officials are convincing our Senate to ratify a new treaty which will give them a free hand to rule once more. They call it the Visiting Forces Agreement or VFA.

The VFA clearly states that Americans were given more power and control over the Philippines, while disregarding our right as a sovereign nation. Americans will display again their sophisticated equipment, superior firepower, and fighting prowess with the Filipino soldiers. We should remember that during the Vietnam War, American technological advancement has no match to the fighting skills of the Vietnamese farmers. Yes, farmers. We should also not forget our experiences when the military bases were still here, before our Senate junk the military bases agreement in 1991. Many GI Joes were guilty of raping Filipinas and shooting our countrymen like dogs.

There are some special privileges which the American government will enjoy as stipulated under Article VI and VII, both the Philippine and American government are spared in any claims pertaining to exemplary damages. This is a cruel hoax, this agreement will be implemented in the Philippine soil, therefore all cases should be attunes to any form of damages. How come the Philippine government is not entitled to such lawful claims?!

The 1947 MBA is much better compared to the VFA, because American troops are only limited to their military base and vacation places such as Clark, Subic and Camp John Hay. Under the VFA, the US is free to use the 22 seaports and airports in the country.

The places were they can gain "access" are the following (in alphabetical order): (1) Bacolod City, Negros Occidental; (2) Batangas City, Batangas; (3) Baybay, Leyte; (4) Cagayan de Oro; (5) Calbayog, Samar; (6) Cebu City; (7) Cubi Point, Olongapo; (8) Davao City; (9) Dumaguete City, Negros Oriental; (10) Iloilo City; (11) Laoag, Ilocos Norte; (12) Legaspi City, Albay; (13) Lingayen, Pangasinan; (14) Manila; (15) Masbate, Masbate; (16) Puerto Princesa City, Palawan; (17) Romblon, Romblon; (18) Roxas City, Capiz; (19) San Fernando, La Union; (20) Tacloban, Leyte; (21) Tagbilaran, Bohol; and (22) Zamboanga City.

More than freely roaming the country, the US troops can also conduct "military exercises". According to Foreign Affairs Sec. Siazon, we need the VFA so that the Mutual Defense Treaty became more effective. The United States are not even banned in carrying any types of weapons, such as tomahawk missiles, with nuclear warheads.

The MBA has a limited time period, while the VFA has none. Article IX, Duration and Termination, states only the effectivity of the agreement, while the termination is unclearly defined. There's also no limitation on until when and how many US troops can "visit" the country in a specified time. According to Sanlakas, "If this provision is unclear, then we might have one or one to ten million 'visitors' in one to 365 days, or one year!"

Sec. Siazon and Defense Sec. Orly Mercado admitted that national defense is our only gain in the VFA. This argument is so acute because there's no real security threat in our country. The question is to whom and what kind of security is this and why we need this kind of security guard.

Instead of gaining from this security, the VFA might only be a burden to the Philippines. Siazon only has crazy advices such as "trust the ally" or Mercado's "against the terrorists" theory. America has many enemies in the world, and is the prime target of international terrorism. One observer commented, "the VFA is an open invitation for international terrorists". Who looks for the real security measure and looking for a probable ally in the US's military adventurism in the Asia-Pacific? The Americans themselves! Not us. They are the only one who can gain from the VFA, not the Filipinos. But who are the real terrorists? US bombed Afghanistan and a pharmaceutical factory in Sudan, which displaces more than a hundred breadwinners of most Sudanese families, without proper investigation. The US CIA even published manuals on how to torture prisoners.

Let us think again. 1998 should be remembered as the Centennial of American Occupation of the Philippines, not Philippine Independence, because this was just a mere changing of colonial master, from the Spaniards to the Americans. What the Americans really want is to occupy again our country to make their dreams come true: to have a base in Southeast Asia as part of their expansionist campaign, of building their global empire, of controlling the global market, and of being a global police. Ratifying the VFA means two things: Victory For America, and Victimizing Filipinos Again. Today, the Filipino people, more importantly the Senate, face another crucial decision. Reject the VFA or reject our freedom. Ratifying the VFA means helping America in colonizing us again.

(Sources: Sanlakas' newspaper Maypagasa, BMP's Tambuli, TODAY, Inquirer, Green Left Weekly, reading materials from FLAG and NFPC)

Chronicle of a Call for Labor Power

CHRONICLE OF A CALL FOR LABOR POWER
by Gregorio V. Bituin Jr.
Written sometime in 1997

On February 22-25, 1986, thousands of Filipinos joined hands in EDSA and struggled for freedom and democracy against the tyranny that exists for almost two decades. Their anger against oppressions and other kinds of injustices which prevail in so many years of dictatorship were felt from any part of the country. In those four days of tension, people went to the streets of EDSA to defend democracy against the totalitarian regime. People stopped tanks, armored personnel carriers, and the like, while others gave flowers and food to soldiers. The first family flew to Hawaii as they saw the people's ire against their leadership. The people rejoiced as they regain freedom and democracy. The reign of greed has just come to an end. Marcos fled, but his henchmen still remained.

The memory of greed continued to haunt us. Injustices still exists. The same injustices that culminated during the Marcos era. Eleven years after the Filipino people's memorable victory against the fascist regime, another strong assembly of freedom fighters emerged. A reminiscence of the people's power in EDSA was formed. But this time, it’s not against a fascist regime, but against an oppressive system constituted of foreign domination. The workers of the German company Telefunken Microelectronics, Inc. (Temic) were fighting for their lives.

Almost one thousand five hundred workers of Temic were illegally dismissed, but after the Department of Labor (DOLE) examined their case and proved to be insufficient enough to dismiss them, the Labor Secretary signed five reinstatement orders. The fifth being final and executory.

DOLE ordered the Temic management to reinstate the 1,500 workers, mostly female, so that they can go back to work. From September 1995, at least five orders were regulated by the DOLE, but the Temic management refused to obey. Yes, the German management defies the orders of DOLE. They clearly defy the Philippine laws. But alas, the government did not want to intervene. The government itself became blind and deaf to the plight of his own people.

The brave workers of Temic continued to struggle for the right they clearly own. They even stayed in the DOLE building to force the government to act against the Temic management. They even postponed their Christmas and New Year with their families to fight for justice. But alas, their eleven days of stay in the DOLE Building were met with another unforgivable act. They were harassed by the band of blind obedient cowboys who wear kaki uniforms, with guns and revolvers in their waist. They were the government's instrument of oppression. The Temic workers were jailed when they only defend what is right and just. These workers were jailed because they want justice for the battle they have just won, but not rightfully given to them. These workers were jailed because they love their family so much.

Workers from different unions know what is happening. They sympathize to the plight of the Temic workers. They feel the need for solidarity. They feel the need to unite all struggling workers in the land. This time, they know that the Temic struggle is not just a struggle of Temic workers alone. It is the struggle of the workers against the capitalist class.

On January 30, 1997, almost 12,000 workers from different labor unions displayed a show of force, so that the Temic management will see how supportive other labor organizations are in the plight of the Temic workers. These momentous activities were not surfaced in the leading newspapers in the land. The government ordered a news blackout as they fear the power of the workers.

Eleven years after the historical Edsa uprising, different labor unions organized themselves to form another people power. It is a reminiscence of the People's Power revolution in 1986. Almost two hundred unions in the NCR alone gave support and attended the four-day Labor Power declaration.

On February 21, the leaders of the Bukluran ng Manggagawang Pilipino (BMP), one of the biggest labor organizations in the country, headed by Ka Popoy Lagman, announced the launching of the Labor Power. The struggle of the workers against the capitalist oppression must come to an end.

Different banners and streamers of different labor unions and people's organization can be seen. There was a stage in the intersection of the Temic compound. Outside Temic, workers, supporters and visitors alike were busy talking with each other while others were watching the presentation in the center stage.

During the second day (Feb. 22) Renato Constantino Jr., national chairperson of Sanlakas, one of the largest people's organization in the country, made his remarkable and very supportive speech in front of different unions and people's organizations. Even popular actresses in Philippine cinema such as Beth Tamayo showed their support and entertained the brave workers of Temic. Emotional political songs from Teatro Pabrika and speeches of leaders from various labor unions and urban poor added light to the burning hearts of the struggling workers. A video on Temic were also filmed, with an introduction from the movie Schindler's list.

The following day, movie actress Tetchie Agbayani made the night an entertaining one. She approached one of the males in front and dances with him in the delight of the large crowd. Singing and dancing were the activities of the night. As usual, speeches of supporters and other union leaders contributed to the program.

On the third day, a film about child workers was shown. The film was an account from the church sector's labor desk. It revealed how poverty in the province made these child workers work in an early stage, when they should be at the school at the time. After the film on child abuse, the documentary film of the ABS-CBN on Temic workers struggle followed. The workers shouted in anger when the most emotional part of the Channel 2's video was shown. In one of the scene a policeman dragged the female workers one by one from DOLE office. Another female worker collapsed as the female police seemed unknowing what to do. Almost four o-clock in the morning when most of the people gathering in front of the stage slept.

Supporters, volunteers and the workers themselves prepared for the next day (Feb. 25) At about 9 a.m., a handful of volunteers went on the nearby towns in Temic, such as the Maharlika Village, to give leaflets, while inviting them to the final salvo of Labor Power. At about 1 pm, workers from Kapatiran ng mga Pangulo ng Unyon sa Pilipinas (KPUP) from Cavite and Laguna, and workers from nearby town, arrived. Most of those who gave support to the Temic workers were members of labor unions affiliated to the KPUP and BMP. They assembled themselves at the front gate of FTI Complex. They displayed their organized march to Temic which is a symbol of unity of the workers for Labor Power, because they believe that Labor Power is what they need to defend and uphold their democratic rights from the uncaring government. From the government who cares only for the interest of foreign investors while neglecting the struggle of his own people.

About 20,000 people marching around Temic compound gathered in the afternoon, baring their strength and unity against the capitalist oppressor in Temic. Different banners from supporters and other labor groups were waving, while others were chanting "Manggagawa ng Temic, Ibalik! Ibalik sa trabaho!" While they arrived from the parade of unity, they watched and listened to the program in stage.

Well-known leaders from different unions and people's organizations expressed their support through speeches fired with emotions and sympathy.

Through the day was scorching hot, the workers stayed through the program, not minding the burning heat of the sun. One can feel the workers solidarity in the air. And as the day wears on and the night started to creep, the atmosphere was almost festive. Names were called to give statement of support and some were requested to sing. In fact, Atty. Levi Mangali, Temic's labor lawyer sang a few lines, with the delight of the watching crowd.

Until the early morning of the next day, when workers and those who support their struggle were happily chatting with each other, people began to go home. They went home not to say goodbye to their struggle, but to lay their restless body in their bed. But in their heart, the struggle of the Temic workers and other labor unions will stay in their hearts and mind. They know, this is not the end, but the beginning of their continued struggle until social justice will rest in their hand.

Kamalayan History: An Insider's Account

KAMALAYAN HISTORY: An Insider's Account
by Gregorio V. Bituin Jr.
Written sometime in 1998, and finished in 1999

Writing historical account is not a vain, but a challenge, most especially if there's no actual written account on the matter, or there are no written sources to use. Documents and other resource materials are very important in giving details and searching for truth. But if there is none, it is the discretion of the writer, to oblige himself to research and interview people, for it is the actual people or the people involved that can give justice to its history. Seeking for truth is like searching for a missing link, piecing different links of a jigsaw puzzle or looking for a brilliant move in chess. No wonder many were challenged to become journalist, historian, and investigative writer. Writing memoirs of the actual historical events is one of the methods we can use, most especially if you are involved or became a part of it. Five years have been passed, but Kamalayan has still no popular written account on its rise and fall, its victory and defeat. The very rich history of Kamalayan should not be put in vain. This article is an attempt to give justice to Kamalayan, one of the strongest and respected youth movement in the annals of activism in Philippine history. This is actually a memoir of some members and former members of Kamalayan.

Kamalayan was born together with different mass organizations who declared their autonomy from their national leadership, when the leading mass movements in the country were marred by debates and disputes in the early '90s. In 1993, many organization in the National Capital Region (NCR) and other parts of the country broke away from their national democratic groupings to get rid of their Sisonite heritage, a bankrupt poisonous tradition that brought disaster and death to many activists and revolutionaries. This became a battle against two evil forces hunting humanity: the Stalinism and Maoism. Two ideologies that destroyed the beauty, essence and promises of Marxism-Leninism. They broke away because they don't adhere with the idea that revolution should come from the barrel of the gun, as what Mao says. They realized that revolution is not war, and war is not revolution.

In 1993, the League of Filipino Students - National Capital Region (LFS-NCR) broke away from LFS-National and formed the KAMALAYAN (Kalipunan ng Malayang Kabataan). KAMALAYAN was conceived on November 30, 1993, at the PUP. It was attended by former members of the LFS-NCR from eleven different schools in the National Capital Region. KAMALAYAN's birth coincided with the 130th year of the birth of Gat Andres Bonifacio, the unacknowledged first Filipino president and the first president from the working class. During its early years, Kamalayan became a force to reckon with within the student activist movement, and rivaled the nationalist League of Filipino Students. Kamalayan's first Executive Committee (Execom) was composed of Rommel Yamzon (FEU), President; Rosario "Jing" Orda (UP-Manila), Vice President; and Abner Valenzuela (Mapua), Secretary-General. They still adhere then with its former national democratic orientation, but with a socialist perspective. Throughout its actions and activities, the leadership adopted the Marxist-Leninist ideology, and debunked its national democratic ideas and its Stalinist-Maoist venom.

Kamalayan contributed in the success of many people's struggle, such as the campaign against the EVAT (KOMVAT), the oil price hike (NOHWAY) and Kilusang Roll Back (KRB). They also helped other student leaders in the success of the National Festival of Student Leaders held in the City of Springs in Los Baños, Laguna, on February 25-27, 1994, when the National Federation of Student Councils (NFSC) was conceived. Ms. Mary Theobelle "Bambam" Parreño of UP-Manila is the founding president of the NFSC.

On September 7-9, 1994, the first regional congress of Kamalayan was held in Cavite. Elected in the Regional Executive Committee (REC) were John Bayarong (FEU), chairperson; William "Bogs" De Cello (PUP), vice chairperson; Judy Ann Chan (UP-Manila), secretary-general; Rex Segutier (PUP), campaign officer; Eric Suñas (FEU), education officer; Jasmin E. Pelayo (PLM), finance officer; and Greg Bituin Jr. (FEATI U), basic masses integration (BMI) officer. Ross Delgado (Letran) was appointed to the REC as assistant sec. gen, while Mike Garay (De La Salle) and Victor Vargas (PUP) were appointed members of the education committee. Kamalayan adopted the green, feminist, internationalist, socialist youth orientation. They published their weekly newspaper called PIDBAK, where different issues and analysis on current situations were discussed. In 1995, Kamalayan, together with the NFSC, spearheaded the formation of SAVE (Students Advocates for Voters Empowerment), where four out of seven candidates they endorsed won seats in Congress. They were Congresswoman Sandy Ocampo (Manila - 6th Dist.), Congressmen Joker Arroyo (Makati); Mike Defensor (QC-3rd Dist.), and Rey Calalay (QC - 1st Dist.).

On August 26, 1995, Kamalayan held a general assembly at Amoranto Stadium where a new set of officers were elected. Those elected were Tracy Pabico (FEU), president; Rodrigo Rivera (PLM), internal vice president; Peter Leaño (UP-Manila), external vice president; Rex Segutier (PUP), secretary general; Victor Vargas (PUP), education officer; and Job Bordamonte (PUP), campaign officer. Kamalayan's orientation was made comprehensive as the revolutionary socialist organization.

In 1996, Kamalayan geared for trade union integration, and also spearheaded the formation of the Bukluran ng Kabataan para sa Pagbabago (BKP), organized during the Sangguniang Kabataan (SK) election. During the first semester, the main struggle that gained mileage was the issue of tuition fee increase (TFI), where students from three major universities in Manila (FEATI University, Manuel Luis Quezon University and the Technological University of the Philippines) protested against the TFI. The Magna Carta of Students became a hot issue when Kamalayan members from MLQU and FEU launched hunger strike in front of their respective schools. In 1997, Kamalayan geared for national organizing. Kamalayan also published two issues of Kamalayan Journal which was spearheaded by Execom.

On November 25, 1997, Kamalayan joined students from different schools and other student organizations, such as NFSC and the Youth Arise, in their campaign to enact the Magna Carta of Students, dubbed as the National Day of Protest. Almost 2,000 students attended the said mobilization in the Senate.

The first part of 1998 saw the dwindling of its membership. Only 100 Kamalayan members attended their general assembly held January 29, 1998. According to a draft paper entitled "Anatomy of Disintegration: The Dispersal of Kamalayan as an Organization" written by a former member of NEC, "We mobilized close to one thousand students... on November 25. But instead of an increase in our membership, even our former membership of 300 fell." And it added, "Before the summer break, we had only around 50 members, including members of the supreme council, the secretariat, and those working in the committees. Also included are those grouped under the national organizing committee (NOC)?"

Kamalayan leadership wrote their assessment, "Compounding the decrease in membership is the dwindling output of the committees (campaign, education, women's collective, etc.) at the regional level during the next three months. Participation in the education sessions launched by the EDCOM was also low. Fewer discussion groups were launched by the chapters. The SA and the Journal were not published. We were unable to form alliance on campus. The broad political movement (related to the economic crisis) that we aimed did not materialize. On the organizational question, we were not able to form teams and strong execoms. Only a few comrades did various works at the local level."

What happened to Kamalayan? Is it because of its orientation, its action, or its leadership? The failure of the Kamalayan Execom lies, probably, to its weak leadership, which resulted to the dwindling of its present membership.

But the same position paper defended the stance of its leaders. They pointed out that they have adopted a number of resolutions during their GA, such as "continuation of previous program, deployment of all members of REC to national organizing, implementation of 18 resolutions on our participation in the election, support to the candidacy of ECL, participation in Sanlakas campaigns, building of the Women's Collective, and others." They also discussed preparations for its national congress.

Debate about Kamalayan's participation in the May '98 national election exploded from its leadership throughout its members. In the paper they claimed that their "support of ECL and Sanlakas was decided by the GA." ECL or Edcel Lagman ran for senator, while Sanlakas participated in the first party-list election. But Kamalayan leaders said that they will not let their organization become an appendage of any political machinery. "What is wrong is the dispersal of the leaders and activists of Kamalayan and their insertion into the electoral machinery of ECL."

The Kamalayan leadership charged those who joined the recently held political exercise of "electoralism," a term they associated with reformism. But different chapters of Kamalayan didn't agree with what the Kamalayan's REC lament. Thus, Kamalayan broke into two factions: the leadership versus its chapter membership.

In August 1998, the whole REC headed by Tracy Pabico broke ties with the other Kamalayan faction and formed the Kamalayan-LSK (Liga ng Sosyalistang Kabataan). Almost five months have passed, the two factions met again, but not in a negotiating table, but on a mobilization. On September 16, 1998. the seventh anniversary of the junking of the Military Bases Agreement, only about twenty members of Kamalayan-LSK headed by Pabico showed up in the rally against the Visiting Forces Agreement (VFA), while the other Kamalayan faction, headed by Carlo Cleofe, arrived with about 10 times more than the Kamalayan-LSK. That rally, particularly in the youth sector, became a show of force for the Cleofe-led Kamalayan.

On September 19, 1998, Kamalayan held its congress at the Gastambide church in Sampaloc, Manila. This time, they change their full name from "Kalipunan ng Malayang Kabataan" into "Katipunan ng mga Anak ng Manggagawa" but its acronym is still Kamalayan. They also changed their orientation from "revolutionary socialist organization" to a more comprehensive "alliance of the sons and daughters of the working class."

Kamalayan changed their identity, but not their ideas. They changed the full name of Kamalayan, but not their principle. Kamalayan's struggle against social injustices happening around the country is reflected in their ideas, and not just in their ideologies; in their actions, not just in their activities.

This 1999, Kamalayan is becoming stronger, more mature and a lot better than before. But they still have a lot to prove.

This is an unfinished chronicle of Kamalayan. We hope that members and former members will add more on its rich historical account, because we believe that the future of student activism lies in the "anak ng mga manggagawa." We also hope that some errors, if any, be corrected. Through this, Kamalayan's legacy to the victory and defeat of student activism in their struggle for the emancipation of the people from the bondage of greed and poverty will not be put in vain.

Mabuhay ang Katipunan ng mga Anak ng Manggagawa! Mabuhay ang Kamalayan!

(Note: I showed this article to leaders-organizers of Kamalayan in its raw stage and still editing. This probably made them plan to change the name of Kamalayan in its next congress to make another history different from the turbulent years of Kamalayan. Sometime in 2000, during its congress, Kamalayan's name was change into Kampi, which means Katipunan ng mga Anak ng Manggagawang Pilipino. This ended Kamalayan as an organization of youth activist. Today, Kamalayan is dead, but its legacy remains. Long live Kamalayan!)

Chess and Leadership

CHESS AND LEADERSHIP
by Gregorio V. Bituin Jr.

"If a ruler does not understand chess, how can he rule over a kingdom?" - Sasanian king, Khosrau II (reigned 590-628 AD)

Tell me, what is the oldest game of skill that existed on earth, very popular and still played around the world? And what does Peter the Great, Lincoln, Lenin, Marx, Rousseau, Voltaire and Napoleon have in common? Yes, that ancient is chess and these historical figures were all chess enthusiasts. According to a legend, Ravana's consort Mandodari invented this royal game of war as an alternative to bloody wars. Chess is just a piece of wood, but its influence on human mind and imagination is so great that even historical figures find time to play chess. Today, millions of people are chess devotees. In Russia alone, chess became part of the student's curriculum.

I was in my cub scout days when I learned to play chess. This game persuaded me to develop and sharpen my intellectual skills. Ms. Mila Emperado, National Women's master, founder and president of the Metropolitan Chess Club, once said, "Ang batang mahusay sa chess ay magaling din sa klase. At lamang siya sa kapwa mag-aaral na hindi pa marunong ng chess." Emperado is the organizer of the Milo Checkmate (Chess Clinic to Equip in Opening, Mastery of Analysis in Middlegame and Techniques in Endgame). Fourteen-year-old Filipino World Chess champion NM Mark Paragua, who has just recently won the World Rapid Chess Tournament in Paris, France for 14-years-old-and-under category, was a student of Milo Checkmate.

"Chess is life," according to GM Eugene Torre, Asia's first grandmaster. We may interpret it this way: "Life is like a chess game." Problems, like chess puzzles, are part of life. Sometimes you win in one area of your life; sometimes you lose. Sometimes we encounter personal problems that almost kill us or break our hearts, but let's accept it. There's always a new life as there's always a new game."

A chessplayer's strength lies in his clear rational thinking, right approach, logic, knowledge and the ability not to make a mistake. His powers of vision, attentiveness, common sense and imagination are what make him stronger than others. Psychologists even found out that chessplayers possess higher spatial ability than others with comparable intelligence level. They also possess grater physical endurance and the capacity to endure pain and frustrations.

Chess is very useful for studying complex and conflicting situations. It helps us in developing our decision-making skills, ability and patience. Chess also makes our central nervous system active and develops positive emotional reactions. It is also a good training for those engaged in challenging tasks and intellectual pursuits. A chessplayer requires making a decisive move in a very complex situation and under time pressure. This is what is necessary from people in many professions.


Chess, Leadership and the Art of War

Many people wonder why some writers use chess as analogy in their documents and articles. Chess is a brilliant example in articulating a point. Such is the work of Larry Perez Jr., which appeared in the BMP's September 1998 issue of Tambuli magazine. In his article "Ala-Berde, Ala-Tsamba", he wrote: "Sa welga, gaya ng lahat ng pakikibaka, kailangan ang husay ng utak para sa taktika at hindi lamang lakas ng loob. Kahit sa boksing, kailangan ng talas ng isip, hindi lang lakas ng bisig. Laluna sa makauring pakikibaka na mas gaya ng chess na ang nananalo ay di ang basta na lamang sulong ng sulong ng piyesa. Ang nananalo ay yaong malalim na nagkukwenta ng bawat galaw, na handa pa ngang magsakripisyo ng piyesa para lamang makakuha ng bentaheng posisyon tungo sa ultimong tagumpay." Perez has equated chess to war and management and clearly emphasized its importance to leadership. In other words, chess means leadership. Chess means being capable to manage different situations, such as war.

Theoretically, Sasanian king Khosrau II was right when he said that the ruler should understand chess to rule. Relatively, this means that managing a kingdom, a country or an organization is like managing an army in the battle field. Meaning, you should know your subjects and your opponents. many kingdoms, country or organization has collapsed because of poor planning and management. Chess is no different from war, where poor planning can lead to the loss of men, equipment and the battle itself. Sun Tzu, ancient Chinese military tactician, discussed this in his treatise "The Art of War" which appeared in its first chapter: "War is a matter of vital importance to the State; the province of life and death; the road to survival or ruin. It is mandatory that it be thoroughly studied." Niccolo Machiavelli, who wrote "The Prince" (which in modern times can be translated as "The Leader"), clearly pointed out: "The neglect of the art of war is the main cause for the loss of the prince's state, while a proficiency in

it often enable a prince to acquire one." He further added, "A prince who is not master of the art of warfare can't be respected by his soldiers, nor can he depend upon them. He lacks the essentials that a commander of troops should possess. Therefore, the practice of warfare should always be uppermost in a prince's thought." Machiavelli advised, "A prince should read history and study the actions of eminent men. He should observe how distinguished men behave in battle and should examine the causes of their victories and defeats, so that he may imitate the former and avoid the latter." Likewise, chessplayers should study the games of the masters, scrutinize their brilliant methods of attacks and defenses, and analyze the ideas behind each chess opening repertoire to improve their games.

Pandolfini discussed in his book "The ABCs of Chess" similar principles concerning war, such as the following: (a) Develop purposefully, and not just for development's sake. Make sure every move has a purpose; (b) If you know your opponent's style, take advantage of it; (c) attack in numbers. Don't rely in just one or two pieces; (d) Seize the initiative; (e) Never play a risky move, hoping your opponent will overlook your threat; (f) Seize open lines; (g) Use the analytic method; first evaluate the position, then ask pertinent questions about your analysis. One book (which the title I cannot remember) has this passage: "Grandmasters always go for the kill if they spotted their opponent's weaknesses."

An impressive checkmate from Philidor defense (my favorite) can best illustrate the art of war: 1. e4 e5 2. Nf3 d6 3. Bc4 Bg4 4. Nc3 h6 5. Nxe5! Bxd1 6. Bxf7+ Ke7 7. Nd5 mate. Black's fifth move is a blunder. He probably thought he can gain tactical advantage by capturing his enemy's most powerful piece, the queen. With a clear foresight and analysis, White sacrificed his queen to win the game. He calculated precisely his win in just three moves. On the other hand, Black lost the initiative when he prematurely captured the queen without analyzing his moves.

You may wonder why Black did not think several times why White captured the pawn in e5, thus exposing the White's queen. Black did not even notice that White's fifth move was not a blunder but a trick to gain tactical advantage. A grand deception! Both of their fifth move is a very critical moment of decision. White's fifth move was brilliant, while Black's fifth move was a disaster. Because of Black's greediness for power and profit, he loss the game easily. Black's loss in the early stage of the game (only 7 moves) is a clear example of immaturity, lack of leadership traits, and poor management skills. In this game, White masterfully displayed his great skill and foreknowledge of the art of war.

The popularity of chess sometimes made government and military tacticians use chess terms, such as stalemate and blunder, in their undertakings. One army even used the term "strategic stalemate" to describe a certain stage of their war program. German master Richard Teichmann described chess as "ninety-nine percent tactics". This means that it leaves one percent for strategy. He emphasized the importance of tactical play. Meaning, all your careful strategic planning can be ruined by one tactical shot. This also validated what Sun Tzu has written almost two thousand years ago: "When the army engages in protracted campaigns, the resources of the state will not suffice. For there has never been a protracted war from which a country has benefited." Likewise in chess, tactical play should be given much importance than strategy. Meaning, be flexible to the winds of change, because a blueprint for conducting war does not ensure victory.


Chess and Industrial Revolution

Chess, considered to be the model of artificial intelligence, played a major role in the modern Industrial Revolution. Computer scientists, in their quest to invent thinking machines, developed chess computer programs to test the human mind. They want to know the development and technological advancement of the latest machines or computers to be used in industries and other future researches. They used chess as the model fro decision-making processes, for investigating machine intelligence and expert systems. Scientists conclude, "If computers cannot even solve a decision-making problem in the realm of perfect knowledge like chess, then how can we be sure that computers make better decisions than humans in other complex domains - especially in those where rules are ill-defined or areas exhibiting high levels of uncertainty." (Chess Asia, Vol. 12, No. 1, P. 5) The best way to test the intellectual capacity of machines is to challenge humanity's best representative, World Champion Gary Kasparov.

On February 1996, the world saw how Kasparov crushed the IBM-designed super computer Deep Blue with a convincing 4-2 victory in their six-game championship match. Deep Blue was the predecessor of Deep Thought, the most powerful chess computer program in the late 80s, which Kasparov defeated in 1989. Kasparov said before the match with Deep Blue that "he will try to defend the dignity of the human race". He believed it was his duty to assert and uphold human intellectual supremacy over machines. This man versus machine match also marked the 50th anniversary of the first real computer, ENIAC. In 1997, Deep Blue retaliated and defeated Kasparov. This revolution in technology marked the importance of chess in modern scientific discovery. And this technological development may transform our lives in the near future. It might even change the course of history. Remember the sci-fi movie "Terminator" where thinking machines revolted against the human race?


On Improving Your Chess

Chess requires two people to play, but you can play it alone. How? By studying and analyzing the games of the masters, most especially attacking players like Tal, Alekhine, Fischer, Topalov and Kasparov, and defensive players such as Anatoly Karpov; studying different types of opening repertoire, the middlegame and the endgame; analyzing tactics in open and closed games; scrutinizing brilliant methods of attacks and defenses; and solving different puzzles. These will help develop, not only your chess power, but your sills and ability that you can apply in your day-to-day activities. If you like, you can also play blindfold chess to develop your visualizing skills. Although there are five known types of recording moves, study the most popular: the old-English notation and the algebraic. Throughout our articles in chess, we will use the algebraic notation.

I prefer two simple puzzles for you to solve. (1) W: Ka6, Bh4, Nb8, c2, d2; B: Kd5, a3, d4; White to play and win. (2) W: Ke1, Rf1, Rh1, Ng3; B: Kg2; White to play and mate in three. Answering these compose problems were invented for both entertainment and deep thinking. Hope you enjoy the game. But always remember: "Every move maybe your last!" If you wish to answer these puzzles honestly, please refrain from looking at the answers. Anyway, for our convenience, we printed the answers here: (1) 1. Nc6 Kxc6 2. Bf6 Kd5 3. d3 a2 4. c4+ Kc5 5. Kb7 a1-Q 6. Be7 mate; (2) 1. Rf4 Kxg3 2. 0-0 Kh3 3. Rf3 mate.

- Sanlakas office, 1998